Generally, political culture refers to any subjective and inter-subjective aspects of a meaning system that relates to politics.This system includes a cognitive and a normative aspect that\ determines our perception and evaluation of political environment. So, political culture is socially constructed meanings that, defining the political, (il) legitimate some political institutions, offices and interactions. By this, political culture effects political action possibilities and hence power relations. The aim of this article is to identify important ways that political culture effects political life.

Memory politics is achieved through the application of cultural memory and is used for remembering. Symbols, Memorials, celebration, murals, posters, mourning rituals and scripts are called cultural memory and contribute into the reconstruction of the memory. Objects and public spaces have inherent potentials to represent cultural politics and thus can lend themselves into collective remembering,in this process though, some part of the historical past are left out in the discourse. Manipulated remembering includes forgetting. During the Pahlavi era, as well as Iranian post revolutionary governments, there was an instance on selective remembrance of the history which in return has caused memory obsessions. The forgetfulness that is situated in the narrative of the historical past creates a divide between meaning and identity making and challenges the face-off between social actors and governments. This matter renders them incapable of narrating their national selves and inflicts a cultural trauma on the society.

Shortly after the cultural traumas occur, the politics of memory evolves among cultural groups/nations involved. This policy has had a profound effect on the thoughts and memories of different segments of the population, especially historians. On the other hand, every king and ruler considers part of his cultural power to create and control archives. Uremia massacre in the first world war, global collective trauma & major global cultural trauma, and the most important Memorial Day among all the Assyrian Diaspora. the present study explores the different narratives of the Uremia Massacre recorded by the iranian and foreign priests, soldiers, missionaries and diplomats. The narratives of this suffering can be classified into three categories: humiliating, hostile, and moderate. The humiliating narrative of the Muslims, the narration of the middle Kurds and the Ottoman armies, the narrative of the hostile Assyrians, Armenians and the Russian and British armies are portrayed as evil. In these narrations, they were accompanied by deceived, defenseless, infidel and mercenary codes. In fact, the Assyrians are even subalter to the Jews in terms of the social, economic, and cultural level of their communities & diasporas. on the other hand, Governments are responsible for the massacre and are taking extensive measures to collective amnesia about the cultural trauma. These factors have led to the continuation of the evil-based politics of the memory and the elimination-based politics of the archive in relation to their identities.

Access to real knowledge of women's situation in Iran requires precise study of cultural policies under which they have lived during last three decades. Due to Barker (2004) Cultural policy is concerned with regulation and management of culture and in particular with the administrations of those institutions which produce and govern the form and content of cultural products. These cultural policies not only effect on people trough TV production, but also arrange their actions in public sphere. The fact is that surveillance of Islamic ideology which is practiced in everyday life can be best manifest in such policy.Due to this, the paper analyses the main texts of cultural policy: Supreme council of Cultural Revolution, Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting and National Organization of Youth. Findings indicate that the corner stones are keeping Hijab, prohibition of makeup and sex segregation. It seems that regardless of global.

In Shahnameh, Ferdowsi narrates the cultural components of the identity of ancient Iran in the light of political approaches. The present article tries to answer the question of how Ferdowsi and with what components, aspects and cultural elements, using descriptive-analytical method and theoretical foundations based on political culture, which includes intermediate and related structures of culture and politics. Does it link ancient Iran to politics? Findings show that in Shahnameh, although the two aspects of culture and politics are expanded and taken, but they are so intertwined and related that it is almost impossible to separate them from each other, for example, culture of tolerance is integrated with the political concept of the Shah of Iran Sharia is placed next to the monarchy. The essence and art of a true political system becomes possible. . Justice, which was intended to establish order and prevent chaos, is administered by the king himself. Shahriari has a divine basis and the demise of Farah Izadi is accompanied by the domination of others, demons and magic. Geographically, one of the aspects of the identity of ancient Iran in Ferdowsi Shahnameh is the geographical borders of Iran, which is a geographical idea of Iranians in accordance with political and national traditions, which is completely related to the myths of creation.

Priority and superiority made by individuals for the behaviors and ways of life shapes a very important series of qualitative distinctions that its measures are independent of our demands, desires and personal preferences. These evaluation frameworks play a significant role in determining the cultural policies of various countries including the Islamic Republic of Iran. The aim of this study is to identify these frameworks in the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic, and thereby exploring the possibility of improving the quality of cultural planning and making more effective solutions for the specific cultural problems of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Thus, the main question of this article is that by relying on the higher documents of the Islamic Republic, what are the effective evaluation frameworks in the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The research is descriptive survey, in terms of methodology and documentary in terms of data gathering. The studied materials are a series of the higher documents of the Islamic Republic relating to the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic, including the Constitution, general policies, twenty-year Vision Plan of the Islamic Republic and five-year development plans. The findings of this study indicate that cultural policy-making in the Islamic Republic seeks historical identity and society's moral stability through governance. Along with this, we witness, to a lesser extent, planning for promoting univocal social identity and morality drawing upon society-state oriented model. However, moving towards identity's self-fulfillment and social interlocutory morality relying upon the centrality of society is still in a stagnant state.

This article engages with the two important notions of culture and civilization and then proceeds to analyze the interelatedness of the Islamic, Iranian, and western cultures during Reza Shahs's rule. The Reza Shah period is one of the most important era of engagement between Islamic, western, and Iraruan cultures. Hence, the views and positioning of Mehdigholi Khan Mokhberolsaltaneh, the then Prime Minister are reviewed to shed light on the mechanism of this engagement.

Abstract Now, one of the most important memory institutions, namely social media, has taken on the structuring of collective memory. Social media uses artificial intelligence and machine learning algorithms to analyze data and information recorded from users or big data. Algorithmic selection of social media by classifying, highlighting, deleting and heterogeneity in the level of visibility of users' content, as an application of memory politics that limits and defines narratives for remembering and forgetting. And by creating gaps in memory, it causes collective forgetting and the disintegration of collective memory. The present interdisciplinary research, with a qualitative approach in the tradition of cultural studies, using the grounded theory method and Strauss' coding model, with theoretical and purposeful sampling of interview texts, Instagram, articles and books of collective memory and observation of related activities and events, has examined the algorithmic memory politics and its impact on the postmodern discourse of collective memory in Iran. The findings indicate that the central phenomenon of the research is related to all the main categories of power relations, digital knowledge, ideology and global inequality, memory of resistance, and the crisis of identity and meaning in the postmodern social situation. Keywords: Algorithmic memory politics, Postmodern collective memory discourse, Cultural studies, Grounded theory method, Artificial intelligence algorithms, Social media                 Introduction According to a report by the reputable website Datareportal (datareportal. com), in 2024, Instagram social media topped the list of the most used social media in Iran with more than 46 million registered users and 31 million active users. Instagram has become an effective arena for expressing new and personal narratives of the history of Iran and the world and creating new methods of identification and has provided a vast opportunity to revise collective memory. With the increase in the number of users, social media has become more powerful in analysis, decision-making, political polarization and influencing public opinion due to the collection, recording and analysis of user data or big data. Big data is also used to predict future events, unrest and emerging social movements with the help of algorithmic calculations. Automatic social media algorithms select and prioritize data to present to the user, and by displaying or not displaying, classifying, and creating asymmetry and inequality in access to information, they can potentially prevent users from using all the information available on the network. Also, the need to pay attention to the position of interdisciplinary studies in communication sciences, cultural studies, and media has led the present study to examine the politics of algorithmic memory and its impact on the postmodern discourse of collective memory in Iran.   Materials and Methods This qualitative research was conducted based on the tradition of cultural studies and using the grounded theory method. Data collection was done through a library method and to ensure the validity and reliability of the research, theoretical and purposive sampling was used until theoretical saturation was reached. Coding was done on sixteen interview texts with relevant experts, whose interview texts have been published in research journals as well as on specialized computer science and communication websites. The interview texts were used as secondary data for data collection. In the open coding stage, 130 codes were extracted using the Glasser and Strauss questioning framework. Then, axial coding was done based on Strauss's coding paradigm. Causal conditions (information capitalism economy, political control of social media, symbolic power of social media and technical and network causes), contextual conditions (diversity and plurality of media, sources and places of memory in the postmodern social situation). The intervening conditions (ideology and global inequality), the central category (algorithmic memory politics), the strategies of action and interaction (memory of resistance and digital struggle), as well as the consequences of action and interaction (conflict of memories, sense of alienation, and crisis of identity and meaning) were separately identified. The politics of algorithmic memory was identified from the selective coding stage as the main phenomenon of the research and by setting the propositions, the main categories were linked to it. Then, the propositions were expanded in the form of a new theory and expressed as the findings of the research.   Discussion & Result As one of the most important institutions for the structure of collective memory, social media uses automated algorithms, algorithmic calculations, artificial intelligence, and machine learning to select and aggregate items to be remembered or forgotten. Therefore, a kind of memory policy called algorithmic memory policy is applied to access the content produced and shared by users on social media. In the postmodern discourse of collective memory, collective memory controlled by state memory policy as well as algorithmic memory policy that is constructed to legitimize power relations and under the rule of ideological values ​​and instrumental rationality will be a disjointed, multiple, and incoherent memory whose collective validity is contested and doubted, except in times of collective disasters and traumatic situations. This in itself creates the basis for the diversity and proliferation of memories and ultimately exacerbates memory conflicts and crises of identity and meaning. This has paved the way for the spread of all kinds of extremism, cultural particularism, and religious fundamentalism in pursuit of ethnic, racial, sexual, etc. identities, and despite the increase in the production of political content among users, it has led to consumerism and apoliticality.   Conclusion As automated social media algorithms, based on observability based on the attention economy and machine learning, act as memory policies and apply a kind of content selection policy in presenting content to users. Which content is deleted, made invisible, which content is displayed to which user and how many times, it is crucial that we more carefully examine and research the authenticity of the content presented and not make social networks the only authoritative and reliable source as the narrator of our historical past.

The current research tries to examine the position of the Islamic Revolution in the evolution of Iran's cultural policy, as well as the cycle of discourse and evolution in the cultural policy of the Islamic Republic in the 70s.In order to organize the theory of discourse analysis, we used it as a method to answer this question in citing the results that What discourse changes has Iran's Islamic Revolution brought about in the process of cultural policymaking?Has the cultural policy after the revolution followed an established and dominant discourse or has it undergone changes within the discourse?In order to determine the discourse changes, different approaches to cultural policy-making, such as (being idealistic and realistic - the level of government intervention - the perspective (the viewpoint ) of cultural control or free culture - being religious and non-religious) have been examined.Also, in order to study more closely and show the amount of changes, Documents and development plans have also been analyzed.One of the most important results of the current research is that with the incident of the Islamic Revolution, there is a shift from the "Western and irreligious" discourse to the "religious and Islamic" discourse.And the process of cultural policy after the Islamic revolution can be divided into two discourses: "traditional-revolutionary" and "development-liberal" and we witness this evolution in the discourse of the 1370s.